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2 April 1998
Parity of Esteem and Cultural symbols
Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams MP writing today in this weeks Andersonstown News has called for a radical change on cultural symbols, and to the institutional and official ethos of the northern state which currently is British.
Mr Adams said:
``The institutional and official ethos of the northern state is British. This has to change. There must be parity of esteem and a just and equal treatment for the identity, ethos and aspirations of all our people. This cannot be simply an illusion. It must be the reality. In practical terms where British national or cultural symbols are displayed on public buildings or in working environments equal prominence should be given to Irish national or cultural symbols as an immediate expression of parity of esteem.
This includes working environments associated with the exercise of public authority - Council offices, courts, police service sites, civil service offices and QUANGOS. In all other worksites, neutral working environments should be rigorously created or maintained.
It means that an Irish-language version of all forms in regular use by the public should be provided if the forms are not already bilingual. Public authorities should be required to adopt a bilingual approach to public signs as happens in the Twenty-Six Counties, in Wales and in parts of Scotland.
It also means that oaths or declarations of allegiance required of civil service employees should be replaced by neutral formulations.
These are just some of the minimum requirements if we are to begin to address this issue in a comprehensive manner''.
The Full Text of Mr Adams article:
``The peace process has brought us all to the point where we now face the greatest challenge and greatest potential for positive change in the past 80 years. Our immediate goal in the days ahead is to turn this potential into an agreement which can secure the support of all sections of the Irish people.
The primary aim of Irish republicans is to remove the unjust British constitutional claim and to advance the goal of an independent Ireland. The status quo has failed. Partition has failed. Sinn Fein is working for and negotiating for an end to British sovereignty.
In addition we are determined to secure an equality agenda which urgently and substantively introduces a comprehensive equality ethos. This must guarantee real improvement in the daily lives of nationalists who bear the brunt of discrimination and injustice. No one should doubt Sinn Fein's commitment to securing the maximum change possible through the current phase in the talks process.
Sinn Fein is committed to a settlement which will accommodate the rights of nationalists and unionists. Such an agreement must remove the causes of conflict.
I'm an Irish republican. I have been all of my adult life. I want to see a 32 county republic because I believe that it is the best way to eradicate the range of political, social, economic and other inequalities which effect the people of this island. I want to see the end of the union with Britain.
Any agreement which might emerge next week will be viewed by Sinn Fein in the context of a rolling process, a transitional process which opens up the potential for further change and progress towards our republican goals.
To achieve this nationalists and republicans want to see an alliance of Irish political parties and opinion which look to the interests and well being of the Irish nation with the aim of normalising relationships within the island of Ireland and between Ireland and the people of Britain. They wish to see the Irish government playing a leadership role in all of this with a common position worked out between Dublin, the SDLP and Sinn Fein.
Several weeks ago in a discussion document `A Bridge to the Future' I spelt out what I believe to be the minimum changes required to satisfy nationalists at the end of this phase of the peace process.
Therefore, from the broad nationalist view, transitional arrangements need as a minimum to secure fundamental constitutional and political change in British jurisdiction, the Union of Ireland Act 1800 and related legislation such as the Government of Ireland Act 1920 and the N.I. Constitution Act 1973.
These acts represent an aggressive exercise of sovereignty by the British government in a part of Ireland. In nature and effect they differ entirely from the legitimate, national and democratic response to this interference in Irish affairs contained in the Irish constitution.
In our view there must be powerful all-Ireland bodies, exercising significant and meaningful executive and harmonising powers alongside consultative functions, with no limit on the nature and extent of their functions, and a with the dynamic and ability to grow.
Equality for all citizens is central to any agreement. There can be no agreement without equality. This means that the securing of equality, rights and justice needs to be visible and immediately tangible.
Specifically, as part of the total restructuring of relationships one of the difficult issues to be tackled is that of cultural symbols and of flags and emblems.
The institutional and official ethos of the northern state is British. This has to change. We must ensure that there is parity of esteem and a just and equal treatment for the identity, ethos and aspirations of all our people. This cannot be simply an illusion. It must be the reality.
The responsibility for this change rests primarily with the British government.
In practical terms where British national or cultural symbols are displayed on public buildings or in working environmentals equal prominence should be given to Irish national or cultural symbols as an immediate expression of parity of esteem.
This includes working environments associated with the exercise of public authority - Council offices, courts, police service sites, civil service offices and QUANGOS. In all other worksites, neutral working environments should be rigorously created or maintained.
It means that an Irish-language version of all forms in regular use by the public should be provided if the forms are not already bilingual. Public authorities should be required to adopt a bilingual approach to public signs as happens in the Twenty-Six Counties, in Wales and in parts of Scotland.
It also means that oaths or declarations of allegiance required of civil service employees should be replaced by neutral formulations.
These are just some of the minimum requirements if we are to begin to address this issue in a comprehensive manner.
An urgent process of demilitarisation is also critical to an agreement. This has to include the disbandment of the RUC and the creation of a new policing service. All political prisoners must be released.
This morning (Wednesday) I met the Tasoiseach Berty Ahern in Dublin. In my view there is an enormous responsiblity for Irish republicans and nationalists at this time. Irish nationalists have been very generous in facing up to the challenges presented by this unique opportunity of peace.
In contrast to unionist approach has been a minimalist and begruding one. Clearly they want nationalist nad republicans to accept less that what we are entitled to. But if this phase of the process is to conclude with an agreement then it must resolved the causes of conflict.
My conversation with Mr Ahern was wide ranging. It covered every issue including constitutional, de-militarisation and the equality agenda. We also talked briefly about the UN report criticising the RUC and the controversy surrounding Brian Nelson. It was a positive and constructive engagement.
This process has to be about righting wrongs. Mr Blair has to raise to that challenge. A replay of the 1921 arrangement will not work or a variation of this will not suffice.
The great challenge therefore, facing us all at this critical point in the relationship between Ireland and Britain; and among the people of this island, is how do we resolve the causes of conflict in a new and imaginative way, which isn't a repeat of past failures and which makes real progress towards a lasting peace settlement?
Our task is to turn this vision into a reality. To achieve this we must refuse to lower our expectations; we must refuse to be caged in or conditioned into accepting anything less than full freedom, equality and democracy.
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